J. Henderson, J. Evans & K. NikitaMediterranean Archaeology & Archaeometry 10.1 (2010): 1-24.
The earliest known man made glass comes from Mesopotamia and dates to the 23rd century BC. By the 16th century BC the first glass vessels appear in Mesopotamia, but the earliest evidence for the fusion of glass from raw materials has been found at the 13th century BC Egyptian site of Qantir.
Olympia PeperakiJournal of Mediterranean Archaeology 23.2 (2010): 245-264.
This paper brings forward a particular architectural arrangement—the room with the central hearth—that becomes popular on the Greek mainland in Early Helladic II, in order to refocus analysis of the relationship between architecture and models of social organization proposed for this period.
Ilse SchoepJournal of Mediterranean Archaeology 23.2 (2010): 219-243.
Although aspects of Arthur Evans’s vision of Minoan society have undergone modification during the course of the 20th century, his basic interpretation of the monumental building complex with courts at Knossos as a Palace-Temple, or the residence of both a political and religious authority, remains the dominant paradigm in Minoan archaeology.
R. Jung & M. MehoferAegean Archaeology 8 (2005-2006) [2009]: 111-135.
In this paper we treat changes in weaponry and armament, which occurred in the Aegean and Levantine regions between the late 14th and the early 12th century BC. We aim at reconstructing these changes in a sequence as fine-phased as possible and try to identify the regions in which they originated. As a case study we use a sword of Naue II type found at Ugarit.
Eric H. Cline, Assaf Yasur-Landau & Nurith GoshenAmerican Journal of Archaeology 115.2 (2011): 245-261.
During the 2008 and 2009 excavations at Tel Kabri, more than 100 new fragments of wall and floor plaster were uncovered. Approximately 60 are painted, probably belonging to a second Aegean-style wall fresco with figural representations and a second Aegean-style painted floor.
Timothy EarleAmerican Journal of Archaeology 115.2 (2011): 237-244.
Whether the Bronze Age Aegean economies can be described as “redistributive” depends on how one defines the term. The concept of redistribution itself has undergone several decades of critical archaeological analysis, much of it stemming from my early work in Polynesia.
Paul HalsteadAmerican Journal of Archaeology 115.2 (2011): 229-235.
Nakassis et al., in their contribution to this Forum, argue that the term “redistribution” has been used with a range of meanings in the context of the Aegean Bronze Age and so obscures rather than illuminates the emergence and functioning of political economies.
Robert SchonAmerican Journal of Archaeology115.2 (2011): 219-227.
Rather than treating redistribution as an undifferentiated economic function, scholars currently recognize that multiple forms may occur simultaneously. In this Forum Article, I focus on one such form in detail, specifically, the redistributive system that financed the production of prestige goods at the Palace of Nestor at Pylos. I employ the manufacture of chariots, perfumed oils, and textiles as case studies.
Susan LupackAmerican Journal of Archaeology115.2 (2011): 207-217.
The Linear B offering tablets at first seem to indicate that Mycenaean palaces engaged in a form of redistribution with respect to the religious sphere. That the palace sent offerings caused many scholars to assume the religious sector was dependent on the palaces for its daily maintenance.
Kostis S. ChristakisAmerican Journal of Archaeology115.2 (2011): 197-205.
Palatial authorities in Bronze Age Crete traditionally are thought to have functioned as centralized redistributive agents, reallocating wealth to the community as a whole and providing security in times of crisis. These institutions were gradually transformed, however, into mobilizers of wealth, rendering support exclusively to the elite and their associates.
Daniel J. PullenAmerican Journal of Archaeology115.2 (2011): 185-195.
This article examines redistribution as formulated by scholars of the later Mycenaean palatial economies to ascertain its applicability to the Early Bronze Age (EBA) mainland. Lacking textual sources in the EBA, the emphasis is on archaeological correlates of redistribution as both a mode of transaction and as an institution.
Dimitri Nakassis, William A. Parkinson & Michael L. GalatyAmerican Journal of Archaeology115.2115.2 (2011): 177-184.
In this article, we address the historical question of why Aegean Bronze Age economies are characterized as redistributive systems and whether it is appropriate to continue to describe them as such. We argue that characterizing the political economies of the Aegean as redistributive is inaccurate and misleading.
Michael L. Galaty, Dimitri Nakassis & William A. ParkinsonAmerican Journal of Archaeology115.2 (2011): 175-176.
This collection of papers explores the role of redistribution in Minoan and Mycenaean economies. The term ‘redistribution’ was coined to describe a particular mode of economic exchange employed in ancient economies, particularly Near Eastern temple economies, and later applied to the Aegean.
Jeffrey M. HurwitAmerican Journal of Archaeology 115.1 (2011): 1-18.
The once-popular interpretation of a well-known scene on a Late Geometric oinochoe in Munich as the shipwreck of Odysseus is now regularly dismissed: like other ambiguous scenes of late eighth-century art, it has been banished from the ranks of early mythological narratives.
Since the so-called “copper oxhide ingots” are considered one of the most common forms of raw copper exchange in the Mediterranean Late Bronze Age, the question of their provenance and function has received the attention of scholars. Cyprus has long been considered to be the centre of this international trade, due to the intense extraction which is attested on the island as early as the Early Bronze Age.
