Colin Renfrew, Olga Philaniotou, Neil Brodie & Giorgos GavalasThe Annual of the British School at Athens 104 (2009) [February 2010]: 27-47.
The 2008 excavations on the small island of Dhaskalio opposite Dhaskalio Kavos on the Cycladic island of Keros are reviewed. An account is given of the survey, recording many walls of the early Bronze Age, and of the excavations, continued from the 2007 season.
Neil BrodieThe Annual of the British School at Athens 104 (2009) [February 2010]: 49-72.
Duncan Mackenzie’s interpretation of the Phylakopi stratigraphy, which he presented in 1904 as the final chapter of the excavation report, continues to structure discussion of the site’s history. Mackenzie proposed a sequence of three ‘Cities’, which are seen to correspond to EC III, MC, and LC periods of occupation respectively.
Ρ.Α. MountjoyThe Annual of the British School at Athens 104 (2009) [February 2010]: 73-135.
This article presents the Late Minoan II-III B and the Late Helladic I-III C pottery from the 1911 excavations of J. Dawkins and J. Droop at Phylakopi on Melos. The material from the 1911 excavations fills gaps in the corpus of pottery provided by the 1896-99 excavations and the 1974-77 excavations.
Curtis Runnels, Muzafer Korkuti, Michael L. Galaty, Michael E. Timpson, Sharon R. Stocker, Jack L. Davis, Lorenc Bejko & Skënder MuçajJournal of Mediterranean Archaeology 22.2 (December 2009): 151-182.
Little was known until recently about regional patterns of early prehistoric occupation in Albania, making it difficult to situate the Albanian record within existing, general models of early prehistoric landuse. An intensive regional survey, the Mallakastra Regional Archaeological Project (MRAP), carried out in the Fier region of central Albania from 1998-2003, gathered widespread evidence for human occupation during the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods, from the Myzeqe Plain to the Mallakastra hills.
Kevin D. FisherJournal of Mediterranean Archaeology 22.2 (December 2009): 183-209.
Monumental buildings constructed with ashlar masonry have long been recognized as a hallmark of the Late Cypriot (LC) period (ca. 1650-1100 BC). Yet little attention has been paid to the vital role they played in the (trans)formation of social structures and maintenance of elite power.
Caitlin E. BarrettJournal of Mediterranean Archaeology 22.2 (December 2009): 211-234
This paper investigates the Egyptian valuation of imported Minoan and locally produced Minoanizing pottery: that is, why Egyptians found this pottery desirable, which Egyptians wanted it, and which were able to acquire it. In order to address these questions, this study first reviews the archaeological contexts of all Minoan and Minoanizing pottery in Egypt, and then compares this archaeological evidence to the textual and iconographic data on Egyptian attitudes towards Minoan goods.
Hendrik J. Bruins, Johannes van der Plicht & J. Alexander MacGillivrayRadiocarbon 51.2 (September 2009): 397-411.
Deposits from the Minoan Santorini (Thera) eruption in the eastern Mediterranean region constitute the most important regional stratigraphic marker in the chronological perplexity of the 2nd millennium BC. Extensive tsunami deposits were discovered in Crete at the Minoan archaeological site of Palaikastro, containing reworked volcanic Santorini ash. Hence, airborne deposition of volcanic ash, probably during the 1st (Plinian) eruption phase, preceded the tsunami, which was apparently generated during the 3rd or 4th phase of the eruption, based on evidence from Thera.
Carol B. Griggs & Sturt W. ManningRadiocarbon 51.2 (September 2009): 711-720.
The results of a tentative oak tree-ring chronology built from charcoal samples found in Late Bronze to early Iron Age contexts (late 2nd to early 1st millennium BC) at the site of Tille Höyük in southeast Turkey, and its placement in time, was published in 1993 (Summers 1993).
George Iliopoulos, Nena Galanidou, Spiros A. Pergantis, Vicky Vamvakaki & Nikos Chaniotakis Journal of Archaeological Science 37.1 (January 2010): 116-123.
We report analytical work undertaken in order to identify the geochemical taphonomy of the osteological collection (human and animal bones) recovered from a 1950s excavation at Katsambas, a small cavity in the marly limestone on the west bank of Kairatos River, Crete.
Matthew HaysomOxford Journal of Archaeology 29 (February 2010): 35-55.
The Double-Axe has always been considered as one of the most important religious symbols in Minoan Crete. This paper reassesses the significance of the Double-Axe and puts forward a new interpretation for it. It recognizes the great potential for change in symbolic meanings during the Bronze Age and seeks to understand the Double-Axe in as narrow a period as is realistically possible by filtering out evidence from other periods. Central to the argument is the principle that the meaning of symbols is contextually dependent.
Georgia FloudaOxford Journal of Archaeology 29 (February 2010): 57-88.
This study aims to provide insights into the patterns discernible in the Pylian sealing practices with regard to the identity of the seal-owners involved. The focus is on reassessing the problem of the function of glyptic imagery and on testing the working hypothesis that differences in the subject matter of the seal devices used to produce the seal impressions may have reflected the hierarchical status of the Pylian seal-owners.
Jennifer M. Webb, David Frankel, Paul Croft & Carole McCartneyProceedings of the Prehistoric Society 75 (2009): 189-237.
Recent excavations at a small Chalcolithic site in central Cyprus show that it was occupied about 2880-2670 cal BC. Fallow deer form the major component of the substantial faunal sample: both these and other animals were hunted. The chipped stone, too, fits with a model of intensive meat exploitation.
Amy Bogaard, Michael Charles, Katheryn C. Twiss, Andrew Fairbairn, Nurcan Yalman, Dragana Filipović, G. Arzu Demirergi, Füsun Ertuğ, Nerissa Russell & Jennifer HeneckeAntiquity 83, No. 321 (September 2009): 649–668.
In the Neolithic megasite at Çatalhöyük families lived side by side in conjoined dwellings, like a pueblo. It can be assumed that people were always in and out of each others’ houses – in this case via the roof. Social mechanisms were needed to make all this run smoothly, and in a tour-de-force of botanical, faunal and spatial analysis the authors show how it worked. Families stored their own produce of grain, fruit, nuts and condiments in special bins deep inside the house, but displayed the heads and horns of aurochs near the entrance. While the latter had a religious overtone they also remembered feasts, episodes of sharing that mitigated the provocations of a full larder.
Benjamin S. Arbuckle & Cheryl A. MakarewiczAntiquity 83, No. 321 (September 2009): 669–686.
The authors use metrical, demographic and body part analyses of animal bone assemblages in Anatolia to demonstrate how cattle were incorporated into early Neolithic subsistence economies. Sheep and goats were domesticated in the eighth millennium BC, while aurochs, wild cattle, were long hunted. The earliest domesticated cattle are not noted until the mid-seventh millennium BC, and derive from imported stock domesticated elsewhere. In Anatolia, meanwhile, the aurochs remains large and wild and retains its charisma as a hunted quarry and a stud animal.