Nicola Cucuzza & Nils HellnerrCreta Antica 10/II (2009): 501-518.
A survey of the area around the Stoà dell’Agorà at Agia Triada has identified an H-shaped Propylon. Built in LM III A against the northern wail of the Bastione, the structure was located at the entrance of the large Piazzale dell’Agorà. The Propylon has no good comparison in Minoan architecture; instead it has many similarities with the propylaia known in the Mycenaean palatial sites of Mainland Greece. The presence of a propylon (the only one known up to now in Crete) confirms the importance of Agia Triada in LM IIIA-B. Moreover, it enlarges our knowledge of the LM IIIA-B architecture and its relationship with the contemporary architecture of Mainland Greece.
The textual/archaeological based absolute chronology for the end of the Second Intermediate Period, and the first part of the Egyptian XVIII Dynasty, has been much refined in several studies over the last two decades, and offers a good chronological datum-line which reflects significantly on the absolute chronology of LM I-II Crete, through both direct and indirect archaeological arguments.
This article deals with the LM I lithic pessoì from the old excavations at Agia Triada, which are characterised by the presence of signs incised on one face, and publishes two new examples retrieved from this site during the new excavations. The incised signs, which are always different from one other, are discussed, as well as the material and its provenance (Spartan or Cretan).
This paper focuses on a MM III A ceramic fragment (F 7586) found in the southern sector of the Chalara quarter (located on the eastern slopes of the Phaistos palace hill). The vessel, of which only two joining sherds from a medium-large closed shape survive, comes from a rich homogenous fill created in an operation to fill MM III structures and construct a LM I house on top of them.
The aim of this paper is twofold: first, to define a new ceramic sequence for Protopalatial Phaistos, in particular for the first phases of the Protopalatial period, i.e. MM IB-MM IIA. Second, to produce a study of the Barbotine Ware attested in these deposits, which will add new data on the evolution of this class of pottery, and in turn, may be useful in dating examples found elsewhere.
Recent studies on Prepalatial ceramics, which have used integrated analytical approaches, have demonstrated that Prepalatial pottery exhibits many of the technical features used to indicate specialisation of production, and hints at large movements of products between different regions of the island.
The specific outlook and reach of administration in Prepalatial Crete is the topic of heated debate. The materials most frequently implicated in this debate are clay sealings, usually taken as a clear demonstration of administrative concerns. However, although early sealings might have been used for this purpose, this view tends to be influenced by our knowledge of sealing practices from later, palatial contexts.
Marie-Claude Boileau & James WhitleyAnnual of the British School at Athens 105 (2010): 225-268.
This paper presents the results of a large-scale petrological study of Early Iron Age (twelfth-seventh centuries BC) coarse wares from north-central Crete. 210 samples were taken for analysis from six locations at Knossos, representing distinct funerary, domestic, and ritual contexts.
L. Papazoglou-Manioudaki, A.Νafplioti, J.H. Musgrave & A.J.N.W. PragAnnual of the British School at Athens 105 (2010): 157-224.
This article is the third in a series inspired by the rediscovery in 2003 of two skeletons excavated in 1877 in Shaft Grave VI in Circle A at Mycenae by Panayiotis Stamatakis. Having studied those two individuals and reconstructed their faces, and having conducted a study of strontium isotope analyses on all the individuals from Grave Circle A, we now move on to a reconsideration of the circumstances in which Shaft Graves III, IV and V were excavated by Schliemann and Stamatakis, and place the human remains in the context of the other finds from the graves (no human remains from Graves I and II can be located at present).
David E. WilsonAnnual of the British School at Athens 105 (2010): 97-155.
This article presents a selection of early Prepalatial pottery and a clay sealing found in tests made by Nikolaos Platon between 1955 and 1957 during a programme of conservation and restoration work in the palace. The pottery not only adds to the ceramic characterization of the Early Minoan I – Early Minoan IIB phases at Knossos, but also provides new information about the extent and scale of use of the early Prepalatial settlement.
A. Pentedeka, E. Kiriatzi, L. Spencer & A. BevanAnnual of the British School at Athens 105 (2010): 1-81.
An intensive archaeological survey covering the entire extent of the island of Antikythera has recently revealed a sequence of prehistoric activity spanning the later Neolithic to Late Bronze Age, with cultural affiliations that variously link its prehistoric communities with their neighbours to the north, south and east.
Soultana-Maria Valamoti & Glynis JonesAnnual of the British School at Athens 105 (2010): 83-96.
Lallemantia, an exotic oil plant, recently identified at Bronze Age sites in the Macedonia region of northern Greece, has a natural distribution lying outside Europe, in regions ranging from Iran to Anatolia, Jordan, Palestine, and Israel. The possible routes through which Lallemantia arrived in northern Greece are considered in relation to evidence for Bronze Age trade in metals, in particular tin.
This paper investigates aspects of community identity in the Aegean Islands and Crete through examination of their domestic environments, between c. 1200–900 BC, a period when Cycladic, Eastern Aegean islands and Crete were en-gaged in different social developments.
Sturt W. Manning, Carole McCartney, Bernd Kromer & Sarah T. Stewart Antiquity 84 (September 2010): 693–706.
Intensive survey and initial excavations have succeeded in pushing back the Neolithic human occupation of Cyprus to the earlier ninth millennium cal BC. Contemporary with PPNA in the Levant, and with signs of belonging to the same intellectual community, these were not marginalised foragers, but participants in the developing Neolithic project, which was therefore effectively networked over the sea.
When did upper Palaeolithic cave art come to be thought of as religious? The author shows an origin rooted in the intellectual movements of the later nineteenth century, and in particular in the personage and thought of Salomon Reinach.